Most media platforms and academic think-tanks focus on the Yemen war from a common perspective: Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. What is often overlooked is the wider Red Sea basin. In fact, Yemen borders Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia by sea. The arms trade in recent years, between the Houthis and Al-Shabab, continues to flare up.
In June 2024, U.S. intelligence alleged that the Houthis were discussing a deal involving the transfer of weapons to al-Shabaab movement in Somalia. Weapons included advanced systems such as drones and surface-to-air missiles, in addition to the transfer of fighters from Somalia to Yemen.
A CNN report quoted three U.S. officials saying that Washington is examining links between al-Shabaab fighters and the Houthis based in Yemen. The new development comes as al-Qaeda's East African branch has made military gains against the Somali army over the past two years.
The intelligence raises the worrying possibility that the pairing of interests between the two groups could make things worse in Somalia, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden, where the Houthis have been carrying out attacks on commercial and military maritime crafts since the start of the war in Gaza.
The Relationship Between the Two Organisations
The Security Council acknowledged the validity of reports indicating the existence of coordination between the Houthi group and the terrorist group Al-Shabaab in Somalia.
The Security Council report on Yemen, issued on 11 October 2024, revealed the growing relationship between the Houthi group and Al-Shabaab, especially since the beginning of 2024.
The report agreed with what the U.S. intelligence announced in June 2024; the Houthi group had consolidated its influence in Somalia in recent months, by exploiting its alliance with local actors, including Al-Shabaab and Somali pirate networks, especially in the Puntland and Bari regions.
A Evolving Relationship: The Houthis’, Al-Shabaab, and Al-Qaeda
Given the sectarian differences between either non-state actor, most would think of differences between either party.
Somalia’s al-Shabaab is the official branch of al-Qaeda, classified as a Salafi jihadist movement, and is strongly opposed to Zaydism, so this collaboration undermines both of their religious ideologies.
However, both parties are willing to put aside their differences as both sides agree that the United States is their greatest enemy in the Horn of Africa.
For the Houthis, Zaydi Shiism, is a school of thought ideologues adhere to. Derived from a strand of Shiite Islam, whose central tenet is that the spiritual leader of Muslims must be a Hashemite or a descendant of the Prophet Mohammad, the ideology drives Houthi thinking.
However, the Houthi group is more receptive to Al-Qaeda than Al-Shabaab. The Houthis have deepened their relationship with the Yemen-based Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, which paved the way for this new relationship with the Shabaab militia.
The British newspaper The Telegraph reported in May 2024 that relations between the Houthis and AQAP reached military and intelligence cooperation in 2022 and confirmed that the Houthis provided AQAP with attack drones in 2023.
Watershed Moment: Operation Al-Aqsa Flood & Red Sea Crisis
Following the outbreak of war after the October 7th War, Al-Shabab celebrated this attack and called on Muslims to support the leaders of the attack against Israel and its allies.
The Houthis’ participation in attacks against commercial maritime vessels in the Red Sea has created a great affinity between the Houthis and Al-Qaeda and its affiliates in the region.
A member of the Houthi political bureau: Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, said: "We are fighting for the establishment of justice on earth, and our war is moral because our goal is to support the oppressed on earth, and we will not stop our military operations against Israel until it stops its crimes in Gaza, whatever the sacrifices."
Ideological Convergence: Advocating for ‘Islam’ & Defeating the West
Both groups see themselves as advocates of Islam, but as targets of the West.
Al-Shabab compares the exposure of Palestinian civilians to Israeli air strikes to the situation of Somali civilians under US airstrikes in order to gain sympathy.
This is similar to the Houthis’ position on the war in Gaza. The Houthis’ direct attacks on Israel, neighbouring states, and aligned maritime vessels is justified under the pretext of Gaza.
In turn, popular support for the Palestinian cause in Yemen is mobilised in return for Houthi control in (non-)Houthi provinces.
Alliance of Mutual Interests
Besides shared hatred of the United States, there are many financial challenges facing the Houthi group.
Financial capital is needed to cover its internal and external battles, in addition to paying employees’ salaries, developing its military capabilities, and expanding its activity locally and regionally in the Horn of Africa.
However, Al-Shabaab has avoided a large degree of international criticism. The militia has bypassed international sanctions targeting its senior leaders and financiers because of its connections to commercial entities that the group owns and trades with.
Other reports have touched on Al-Shabab’s financial sources from Djibouti and Somali politicians, as documented by the UN.
According to the US Treasury Department, Al-Shabaab generates a total of $100 million annually through these channels. It is believed to spend about a quarter of this income on weapons and explosives.
Al-Shabaab: Other Motives
In terms of Al-Shabaab’s potential gains, the organisation has suffered key strategic losses in recent years.
The group lost maritime routes overlooking the Indian Ocean in early 2023 after the Galmudug region following increased military pressure from the Somali government, reflects its need to secure supply lines of imported weapons.
The development of Al-Shabab’s offensive capabilities and its possession of drones and surface-to-air missiles is a local, regional and international concern. It may enable the Houthis to escalate their attacks on commercial and military vessels operating in the Red Sea.
Beyond the designation of the Houthis as a terrorist group, the activities of the Houthi terrorist group have always received little international attention except when they threaten the activities of the global economy.
Houthi Focus Shifts to the Horn of Africa
Yet today, reports are already pointing to the expansion of Houthi activity in the Horn of Africa.
Reports of a potential deal that would see Moscow send the Houthis advanced anti-ship missiles along with allegations that China is helping the Houthis acquire weapons suggests that the group is thinking beyond rogue non-state actors.
If such trends continue, what was once a localised insurgency will continue to grow as a geopolitical challenge to the international community.
Keep up with Daily Euro Times for more updates!
Read also:
Talking Diplomacy at a Time of War
Triangular Diplomacy: Djibouti, the Houthis, and Al-Shabaab
Looking for a Better Life: African Migrants Under Houthi Trafficking
Anything for a Dollar: Djibouti, Arms Smuggling, and Terrorism (Part 3, Horn of Africa Series)
