In our first edition of the Horn of Africa series (Part 3), I continue my discussions with Somali-American scholar, Guled Ahmed, to discuss Djibouti’s duplicitous role in arms smuggling across the Bab el-Mandeb and wider Horn of Africa.
Editor-in-Chief, Gus Anderson: A lot of your work has covered arms smuggling originating in Djibouti, within the Red Sea, and the links it has with the case of Somaliland.
Smuggling is linked to officials in Djibouti alongside Somali politicians in Mogadihsu.
Mogadishu’s aims to destabilise Somaliland for its own gain.
What is the relationship between Djibouti, the Houthis, and Somalia?
Guled Ahmed: Djibouti, as you know, got independence in 1977 from the French.
President Hassan Gouled Aptidon ruled Djibouti until 1999 before President Ismail Omar Guelleh became president.
Since then, Djibouti has been struggling financially and the state has increased it’s partnership with China for investment.
A Watershed Moment for External Interests in Bab el-Mandeb: 9/11
Before China, the events of 9/11 pushed the U.S. and its GCC allies, under President Bush, to establish military bases in Djibouti.
The GCC allies joined the U.S. in Djibouti. The UAE invested in Djibouti with the UAE’s DP Ports owning Doraleh Port, before China overtook the port between 2017-2018, following a Chinese and Saudi military presence in Djibouti in 2017.
Djibouti’s trade relies totally on imported trade and rents provided by external powers.
Djibouti’s National Interests: Somaliland’s Instability
Unfortunately enough, Djibouti benefits out of Somaliland’s instability. Thankfully Somaliland resisted the ramifications of Djibouti’s illicit trade through arms smuggling.
"Somaliland didn’t become the way Djibouti wanted, unlike Somalia, since Somaliland is one of five African countries with democratic elections."
Economically, Somalia depends on trade from Ethiopia and Somalia.
"Djibouti’s interests actively align with Somaliland’s destabilisation. Somaliland as part of a 'de jure Somalia' serves Djibouti's rentier-based economy which depends on external foreign rents, arms smuggling, and illicit trade flows with Ethiopia and Somalia."
What has Djibouti actively done to destabilise Somaliland?
Guled Ahmed: Djibouti works with the pirates and Al-Shabab.
In 2005, 2007, and 2008 Djibouti laundered money to Somali pirates.
At the same time, as part of the UNAU Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia, Djibouti smuggled weapons to Al-Shabab.
"Djibouti profitted of the backs of UK and U.S. taxpayer money."
Djibouti has also benefitted from Hezbollah. The U.S. Treasury has analysed Djibouti’s role in financing Hezbollah weapons, drugs, and ammunition smuggling from Djibouti frontal companies.
The Houthis came into play as they benfitted from the crisis in the Red Sea.
The newly elected AU Chairmanship, former Djibouti Foreign Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssef, openly said that Djibouti had benefitted from the Red Sea crisis because of Houthi attacks in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and termed Houthi attacks "defensive" in light of Saudi airstrikes and the war in Gaza.
This crisis also negatively impacted Somaliland’s port: the Berbera port. Djibouti aims to undermine Berbera’s maritime status as the leading port in Africa.
“Djibouti is, what I call, the devil of the Bab el-Mandeb”.
It works with the Houthis, Al-Shabab, and Pirates unfortuantely.
Djibouti has sold the idea of peace development alongside Somaliland, Somalia, and Ethiopia yet this could not be further from the truth.
Djibouti’s PR strategy is quite good, I must admit, selling itself on it’s location to external powers. Djibouti officials have written for numerous D.C. think tanks and publications like Bloomberg and the Washington bubble.
In reality, you see what the UN has researched, documented, and written up about Djibouti.
“You will be shocked as Djibouti has a firm interest in keeping Somaliland unrecognised.”
This fits Djibouti’s best interest, to Djibouti policymakers, yet in reality it serves no one.
Somaliland’s independence and recognition in fact benefits Djibouti as a country.
Keep up with Daily Euro Times for more updates!
Read and Listen to more of DET’s related pieces:
Unrecognised Independence: The Case for Somaliland (Part 1)
A New Protectorate: Türkiye in the Horn of Africa (Part 2)
Triangular Diplomacy: Djibouti, the Houthis, and Al-Shabaab
